Senior journalist Hafeez Ullah Niazi believes that ongoing attempts to curb Imran Khan’s popularity are not only failing but are backfiring dramatically. The recent mistreatment of Khan’s sisters near Adiala Jail, where elderly women sitting peacefully by the roadside were manhandled, has brought deep embarrassment to state institutions and further ignited public anger. Quoting Surah At‑Tin, verses four and five, he draws a symbolic comparison: “We created man in the best of forms, then reduced him to the lowest of the low.” He argues that history shows whenever a political force adopts a narrative against the powerful, its popularity skyrockets, sometimes reviving dying political entities and making them potent threats to the establishment. Today even unpopular YouTubers earn thousands of dollars by riding on anti‑establishment sentiments, a sign of how deeply this narrative resonates.
Bajwa Factor and Imran Khan’s Rise
Niazi asserts that Imran Khan’s political resurrection began the moment he challenged General Bajwa. What followed was an unprecedented surge in his political stature, elevating him to the central axis of national politics. For nearly four years, the state has attempted to neutralize him, but every attempt has only strengthened him further. He describes the political system as a headache worsened by its own medicine, where decades of experiments have pushed Pakistan two steps back for every step forward.
Mistreatment of Imran Khan’s Sisters: A Political Blunder
Imran Khan’s sisters had been unable to meet him for months. Out of emotional distress, they would sit near Adiala Jail, expressing their frustration and hoping for a meeting. Niazi questions how such a peaceful act could be treated as a crime, and what dignity lies in law enforcers humiliating a seventy‑year‑old woman. He stresses that this episode has only multiplied Khan’s popularity while intensifying public resentment against the system. Even senior PML‑N leader Rana Sanaullah struggled to justify the incident.
Niazi compares the current episode to past state excesses, including Nusrat Bhutto being clubbed during a cricket match in 1977, Kulsoom Nawaz’s vehicle being lifted by a crane in 2000, Faryal Talpur’s late‑night arrest before Eid, and the infamous hotel‑room breach involving Maryam Nawaz. He argues that such actions consistently undermine the legitimacy of those who claim to protect the constitution.
Imran Khan’s Own Political Crisis
Despite his massive popularity, Niazi believes Imran Khan suffers from political confusion. His simultaneous attempts at both confrontation and reconciliation with the establishment have backfired, leaving him isolated on both fronts. His greatest achievement, and the source of the state’s anxiety, is that he has mobilized millions against the establishment, believing this as personal vindication. In Niazi’s view, Imran Khan has paralyzed Pakistani politics, and he seems content with that outcome because he prioritizes strengthening himself before strengthening the country.
Frequent leaks about possible relocation of Khan, debates on General Faiz Hameed’s trial, and speculations about Khan’s involvement as a witness are, according to Niazi, political trial balloons that collapse under their own contradictions.
The Faiz Hameed Trial: A Prelude to Reaching Imran Khan
For the past three days, Niazi notes, select vloggers and anchors have been fed stories regarding Faiz Hameed’s trial and its consequences. But he dismisses these narratives, saying he knows the limits of those crafting such schemes and has seen their plans backfire before. He reiterates that the trial’s logical conclusion will ultimately circle back to Imran Khan, something he has repeatedly written for over two years.
What Lies Ahead? Two Possible Paths
According to Niazi, the establishment currently faces two major possibilities. Imran Khan’s sentence may be suspended, the current arrangement will continue, and general elections similar to the RTS and Form‑47 model will be held in 2026 without PTI participating. Alternatively, Imran Khan may be eliminated politically first, and the next general elections delayed by five to seven years or indefinitely.
In both scenarios, national interest becomes secondary. Niazi warns that indecision, repeated U‑turns, and internal contradictions have turned uncertainty into a permanent national condition, a bone stuck in the throat that the state can neither swallow nor spit out.